DR. JAVED JAMIL
Asmaa Beltagy, the daughter of Mohammed Beltagy, leader of Muslim Brotherhood shot dead by the Egyptian Army.
ASMAA Beltagy - the 17-year-old daughter of Mohammed Beltagy, a Muslim Brotherhood died of chest wounds. But she is no Malala who was shot by the enemies of America. She has been shot by the Egyptian Army, which is an extension of American Army. So while Malala deserves ovation for her courage in the face of “terrorists”, awards and possibly Nobel, Asmaa remains unsung.
Nobody in the Western media has any interest in her story; nobody is shedding tears on the loss of a 17-year old girl. The International media is instead busy in trying to portray the events in Egypt in a way that the MB emerges as the ultimate sinner. Even Traiq Ramadhan, who has been a long time critic of Muslim Brotherhood and whom I rate as an Islamic apologetic trying to reconcile Islam with Western values, has admitted that the blame on Morsi seems to be a part of the well-orchestrated plan first not to let him function with authority, then create conditions that make people angry with him, then encouraging people to hold mass protest, then to use these protests to topple the President and then immediately taking steps to restore supplies to the people so that it appears as if Morsi was withholding them. He says:
“The Egyptian army has not returned to politics for the simple reason that it has never left. The fall of Hosni Mubarak was a military coup d’État that allowed a new generation of officers to enter the political scene in a new way, from behind the curtain of a civilian government. In an article published on June 29 2012
I noted an Army high command declaration that the presidential election was temporary, for a six-month to one-year period (its title made the premonition explicit: “An election for nothing?”). The American administration had monitored the entire process: its objective ally in Egypt over the past fifty years has been the army, not the Muslim Brotherhood (MB). The latest revelations (see the International Herald Tribune , July 5
, and Le Monde, July 6
) confirm what was already clear: the decision to overthrow President Mohamed Morsi had been made well before June 30. A conversation between President Morsi and General al-Sisi indicated that the head of the country’s military had planned the overthrow and imprisonment of the president weeks before the popular upheaval that would justify the military coup “in the name of the people’s will.” A clever strategy! Orchestrate demonstrations involving millions of people in order to make believe that the army truly cares about the people! Coup d’État, second act.
How then to analyze the immediate reaction of the American administration, which avoided using the term “coup d’État” (which, if accepted, would mean it could not provide financial support to the new regime)? A curious position for a government that in its ‘surprise’ uses exactly the right words to exert full political, economic and legal leverage over the coup makers. European governments will follow suit, of course: the army has responded “democratically” to the call of the people. It’s all too good to be true! Magically, chronic blackouts, gasoline and natural gas shortages came to an abrupt end after the fall of the president. It was as though people had been deprived of the basic necessities in order to drive them into the streets. Amnesty International observed the strange attitude of the armed forces, which did not intervene in certain demonstrations (even though it was closely monitoring them), allowing the violence to spiral out of control, as though by design. The armed forces then accompanied its intervention with a saturation public relations campaign, providing the international media with photographs taken from its helicopters, depicting the Egyptian population as it cheered and celebrated their military saviors, as confirmed in Le Monde
Nothing, then, has really changed: the “Arab spring” and the Egyptian “revolution” continue under the guiding hand of General Abdul Fatah al-Sisi. Trained by the United States Army, the general has kept close contact with his American counterparts. The New International Herald Tribune (July 6-7)
informs us that General al-Sisi is well known to the Americans, as well as to the government of Israel, with which he “and his office”, we are told, continued to “communicate and to coordinate” even while Mohamed Morsi occupied the presidential palace. Al-Sisi had earlier served in the Military Intelligence Services in the North Sinai, acting as go-between for the American and Israeli authorities. It would hardly be an understatement to say thatIsrael, like the United States, could only look favorably upon developments in Egypt.
…..The naivety of the president, of his government and of the Muslim Brotherhood has been stunning. After sixty years of opposition and military repression (with the direct and indirect benediction of the US Administration and the West), how could they possibly have imagined that their former adversaries would support their rise to power, invoking democracy all the while? Did they learn nothing from their own history, fromAlgeria in 1992, and, more recently, from Palestine?
……Some observers were startled to see the salafis
, in particular the an-Nour party, join forces with the military alongside the “democratic” faction opposed to President Morsi. Were the outcome not so tragic, it would be tempting to label it farce. The Western media were quick to label the “Islamist” salafis as allies of the Muslim Brotherhood while; in point of fact, they were and are allies of the regimes of the Gulf States, who are in turn the regional allies of the United States. The idea was to undermine the religious credibility of the Muslim Brotherhood, and to force it into extreme positions. At the moment of President Morsi’s overthrow, they not only betrayed him but revealed their strategy and their strategic alliances for the entire world to see. It is hardly surprising to note that the first countries to recognize the new coup d’État regime were the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Qatar, whose powerful organizations provided, and still provide, direct and indirect financial support to the Egyptian salafis (as well as to their Tunisian counterparts). A superficial reading might lead one to believe that Saudi Arabia and Qatar support the Muslim Brotherhood; in reality they are the mainstays of American power in the region. The strategy is to sow division among the various political Islamic trends, to foment confrontation and to destabilize. This same strategy focuses on contradictions between Sunni political organizations and exacerbates divisions between Shia and Sunni. The United States and Europe have no quarrel with the political Islam of the salafi literalists of the Gulf States (and their denial of democracy, their non-respect of minorities, their discrimination against women, and the application of a strict “Islamic” penal code described as “shari’a”); they protect their geostrategic and regional economic interests while their repressive and retrograde domestic policies, as long as they are applied domestically, could not matter less to the West.”
The facts are for all to see. Within a year, Morsi was expected to do wonders. Perhaps he could do if he was allowed to do. But he was only a President with shackles in his feet, chains on his hands and siege on his lips. The Economic Institutions within the country and outside simply refused to listen to him. The real power remained in the hands of the West, and still some naïve protagonists of West are happy calling him an oppressor and dictator. Yes, Morsi made mistakes, but not what are being presented his “mistakes”. He tried to reconcile with the military. Ideally, he should have refused to reconcile. He should have pushed his agenda without fear. He should have been ready to be overthrown much before the first anniversary. He was stupefied, as Ramadhan observed, into believing that slowly and steadily he will grow stronger. This was his greatest miscalculation. He forgot that the so-called Revolution was in truth no revolution. It was merely a “revolution” within the system and not the revolution of the system. He should have taken lessons from Ayatollah Khomeini who changed every institution that Shah lorded over. He revamped the military. But perhaps, Morsi was not in a position to do that, as Egypt was not Iran. The Egyptian nation was a divided society in terms of ideological proclivities. The rise of Islam was still in an on-going phase and had not reached a stage where it could face the Western might the way it faced in Iran.
But the West must bear in mind that what has happened in last few days will give a new pace to the rise of Islam in the direction of a destination, which will make West look backwards. And this will not remain confined to Egypt. The Arab Spring will soon get transformed into a full-fledged Islam Spring.
The Statement from the “Custodians of the Holy Shrines” will sooner than later regurgitate across the Muslim World. They will soon learn that their days of custodianship may prove to be numbered.
(Dr Javed Jamil is India based thinker and writer with over a dozen books including his latest, “Muslims Most Civilised, Yet Not Enough” and “Muslim Vision of Secular India: Destination & Road-map”. Other works include “The Devil of Economic Fundamentalism”, “The Essence of the Divine Verses”, “The Killer Sex”, “Islam means Peace” and “Rediscovering the Universe”. He can be contacted firstname.lastname@example.org or 91-8130340339